The Media and what influence it may or may not wield have been subjects of intellectual fascination for generations. As Nigeria becomes the new Pakistan, with bombs going off anywhere anytime, people have repeatedly asked the question what can the media do? Some accuse the media of not doing enough to prevent where we have arrived, from coming, others say it has been so partisan, a tool in the hands of those who have and want power or money, that it has failed in its duty to the Nigerian people; and others claim the media is actually the problem.
I expect similar debates to be going on a hundred years from now, if man still dwells here. Does media have influence? Yes. It may have some. Is it influenced? Surely it is by many factors; culture, structure of the industry, economics, power, and the professionalism of its practitioners and even the politics of the time as well as the nature of the channels of media of communication.
Media influence research from the days of press agency in the United States, the era of the PT Barnums’ when media influence was captured in the hypodermic needle metaphor, as definitive, has journeyed a remarkable course. As powerful newspapers like the New York Times endorsed candidates for political office, and such lost elections, the question of influence had to be reflected on. The answer; opinion leaders bridge such influence in a two – step or multi – step flow of communication. One question mark after the other and we all began to settle for a variety of explanations of variegated media influence. Of the more enduring are explanations that the media influences by its agenda setting function’ and by its status conferral function. Early on Marshall McLuhan had, in telling us the media is the massage, indeed the message showed how the nature of the medium, for example television influences demonstrators, and I would dare say, terrorists, whose goal is to generate attention, and panic. So just as demonstrators at the Chicago convention of 1968 were quickly brought to live by the arrival of a Television Camera, so do terrorists time their horrific acts for prime time news coverage.
Media also confers status. People emulate people they see in the media. They become celebrated and influence culture. The more the media show cases crooks, never-do-wells as leading politicians, the more it can be accused of degrading the quality of leadership and reducing Nigeria to mediocrity in the face of greater possibility. I must say that this is a critical factor in the current Nigerian condition. Many of our leading politicians are common criminals but the media has done little to educate instead it confess status on them, by featuring them.
Other explanations in media sociology like that offered by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm in the Four Theories of the Press look at broad media culture. The thesis of the Four theories essentially states that press systems are reflective and supportive of the governmental philosophies with which they operate: Can we say that the Nigeria Press System is Libertarian or Reflects a Social Responsibility paradigm?
Maybe it is more helpful to look at the media on a spectrum of developed/underdeveloped model like the Bazaar- Canteen development approach of the modernization of my former teacher Bill Siffin where underdeveloped media characterized by low social good’s values, limited education of the journalists, poor economic structure of the media which is not profitable enough to pay journalist well, as well as provide the right tools of work, is at the bazaar end, while at the canteen end, media is more sophisticated, more responsive to stakeholder aspiration and more focused on the common good.
My verdict is that the Nigerian press is somewhere on the spectrum, closer to the Bazaar than the Canteen end. What is perhaps more troubling is that even though today’s practitioners are better certificated than the era of the Peter Enahoro’s and the Gbolabo Ogunsanwos, those previous era practitioners seem infinitely more sophisticated, and of higher ethical standing. In many ways. Today’s journalism is struggling, with collapse of culture in the broader society in which corruption is systemic, and abuse of trust and authority, epidemic. These factors of reality pose existential challenges that affect professionalism in journalism and ultimately the role of media relative to the matters of now, like the security challenges crippling parts of the country.
In the face of the broad culture challenge and the existential pressures on journalists there remain many who have been steadfast and who put a greater premium on the professional expectations from the media than the challenges of the moment suggest.
Indeed there are some newspapers, beyond individuals, that by their corporate culture, are more institutionally insulated from the media that embarrasses the thinking man. The discerning citizen seems to know the difference.
The promise keepers of Nigerian Journalism, as I think the more discerning will observe, approach the security challenges as a threat to the collective destiny. On the other hand the extremely partisan media, and some in social media have reduced all matters to enemies and friends of those in power. Insightful analysis that can aid action to mitigate terrorist conduct are therefore not interrogated.
Good journalism is inherently skeptical, and probing. Not enough of that is happening today and that has deepened cynicism about what is going on. The case of abduction of a generation of the daughters of the people of Chibok is a case in point. Far too much time was lost because the press was slow to hold a government that sees everything through the prism of the next elections and the games of its opponents, rather than the trauma of parents and the value of human life, to account. Indeed one can argue that some curiosity about the peculiar adversity of churches being bombed prevented the media from realizing the consequence of what was coming in the early days of the Boko Haram, insurgency.
More sophisticated disposition should have meant that most journalists would have read Robert Kaplan’s Coming Anarchy and so would have been more discerning of where the brewing security crisis could be taking us.
I warned during the Niger Delta Militancy situation that even though there was a case of injustice there, we ran the danger of a mushrooming of a ‘violence blackmail’ syndrome of it was not intelligently managed. The blackmail of violence seems to have become a convention for political bargaining in Nigeria. In addition, conditions that lead ultimately to violence have festered for long without alarm bells from the media sounding so loud than even the deaf among the politicians would take notice. The levels of federal spending in Abuja versus that in the North East, for example. The media just seems inadequately resourced and much challenged professionally to do well. In similar light those factors of professionalism and resourcing means they are not embedded with either the government troops fighting Boko Haram nor with the insurgents to provide new meaning with insights into the operations of troops and motives of the terror group.

Pat Utomi, Political Economist and Professor of Entrepreneurship is founder of the Centre for Values in Leadership.


Nigerians are about to learn a frightening truth about the banks and the nature of God’s Justice.
As I scrabble it is March 27th and I have just come out from daily worship. The Priest had just delivered a brilliant homily on calumny and a natural inclination to be derogatory towards others but how God’s Grace is sufficient to fight that natural inclination. Nowhere, in my recent memory, has this deposition to lynch have been more evident than in the wrongs that have come out from the central Bank of Nigeria, clothed in the name.
We have seen lives shattered, careers damaged irreparably, reputations ruined, wealth destroyed, jobs lost and poverty increased for reasons evidence will soon show were totally unwarranted. But we all cheered as it happened because we like to believe the worst of others.
If you believe that God is just, you will know that ultimately the truth will come through. We should soon see the truth. Erastus Akingbola and company have fired the first shot. More will come. But it is not the raw justice of god that excites me. It is that in the end, while we will find rashness, and even criminal conspiracy to take from people what they labored for, thus harming the fundamental value of property rights what hurts more is the part of the actions that were well intentioned but because of a culture of impunity, limited regard for the dignity of other humans and presumption on matters of which those in charge had limited understanding and even more limited humility to learn, Nigerian banking suffered huge setbacks and the economy with it.
What we will see in the main is that ours is a country of elite too afraid to speak truth to power, so they kept quiet as innocents suffered under impunity. I feel good that I was one of the few who insisted the truth to be told. Today they make me feel like a prophet for what should be the norm.
When I took my view of doing right to testifying to the truth of what happened at Bank PHB I was privileged with interesting feedback. While a lot of informed, who could not distinguish a loan from monies stolen, and who could not see moral hazards from jingoistic lawyers who had no case but as with the tradition were trying to make defense witness uncomfortable through innuendo I found people who found the exercise an excursion in revelation. Two of those reactions particularly fascinated me.

One told me what the lawyer made him realize there were still saints and men of discipline in corporate Governance if all the lawyers dragged up was the worst they could find. But it Barth Ebong that made my day.

Said the former GMD of Union Bank of my testimony; if they were just a few like you this country would be different. Lamenting directors who distanced themselves from decisions they pushed for that were not ordinarily problematic he said his former chairman Elder UK Kalu had called to commend my stand for truth. Now all that truth will come out. Sadly they are coming because a man has fallen from power. Should it be so? Should he not have been saved from himself and saved a graceless fall from power by truth being spoken to power. I tried to tell the story of the story of the bold – faced attempt to steal Bank PHB from its owners, several hundred thousand hard working Nigerians under the guidance of elements in the central Bank after the Governor, with no evidence recklessly said it was one of the banks to watch, with clear intent of de-marketing the bank and starting a run on it, then rejected the stress test team was asked to return since they had collective amnesia on what they saw when they finished the test. But that is not the big story. The truly big story is how unnecessary stress tests torpedoed the momentum of banks who had either no troubles or troubles that could have been better managed differently, plunging the economy into massive job losses, creating challenges to the funding of many enterprise and instituting a fear of lending and borrowing in both bankers and potential wealth creating entrepreneurs.

It all began with an uncivil publication of names of so called bank debtors. Gross in the manner of attorney-client confidence being violated many of the publications were incorrect and some. In one case in which my name was mentioned. I was an independent director who joined the board of the company in which I had no shares five years after the transaction and the loan amortization frustrated by military in the Niger Delta had been sorted.

Many who went through that charade would never go near a bank again and some had learnt attacks. That damage the future of the enterprise culture in Nigeria is so huge that I wonder how come many who gloated over the damage to bankers did not see the bigger picture and greater harm, even if the charges against them were true. The cutting the nose to spite the face phenomenon left enough damage that one needs nine days of prayer (a novena) for Godwin Emefiele who takes over the CBN governorship position.

Were the stress tests that formed the case of and motive for the reforms necessary? I have argued for long that contagion from the subprime crises which spread with unprecedented speed through the world was the result of how interconnected the world had become with foreign banks investing much in the US risk cocktails. Nigerian banks were hardly so involved, and the Nigerian economy enjoyed the buffer of the huge reserves from high Oil prices.

The imitation of intervention elsewhere such as stress tests was evidence of lack of original thinking or alibi for premeditated abuse of the property rights of those whose banks were targeted as Bank PHB which the Yaradua’s wanted to pick up for nothing and the CBN proved a willing collaborator.

This government, now that it has come to admit what the old CBN leadership was, must do justice to those penalized for being hardworking Nigerian citizens whose sweat people in power targeted to steal. The human rights commission needs also to investigate what happened in CBN with reforms.

God is just. His justice may take time but it always comes, the “reforms” shot justice in the foot as all will soon discover.

Pat Utomi, a Political Economist and Professor of Entrepreneurship is founder of the Centre for Values in Leadership.


It is election season again. If you have ever been close to the process a number of words will rank high in usage. They include, structure, rigging, petition, and appeal. Little will be there on ideas on how to solve problems like the scourge of unemployment, improve teacher quality and provide better housing. In some ways politics is the ruin of Nigeria.

If I did not get involved I would never have become aware of how bad it is. It is not a wonder that Winston Churchill said democracy was the worst form of government, except for the rest. Still I wonder what he would have said if he saw Nigeria’s democracy and how a peoples rejects become the drivers of their country’s face on the world and shapers of the tomorrow’s of those who look down on those so called rejects.

Churchill mat still have settled on democracy as the best of the bad options but certainly he will have had a world for how you do not live with such ruination as the nature of our politics is burdening us with and threatening the future of our children.

One very frustrated repat who participated in the congresses of one of the political parties summed it up this way: this people just see politics as the arena to extract as much as you can; from candidates and the system and from going with anything that looks likely to get power so they can have access to public money to build houses that will be taken over by rats and buy SUV’s they cannot maintain, so they have to steal more to keep it up. None of these fellows think about tomorrow or sustainable development. To make matters worse, he continued. Those who know better know what is going on but they stand aside, mocking society for the end they can see will come, forgetting they too will be affected, no matter their pleas of being powerless.
Quite a statement of frustration. Why is it different elsewhere in the world. I have recently been reading one of the biographies of Aung San Suu Kui and can easily see how two Asian countries diverged, from accounts of Burma’s (Myarmar’s) journey in that book, The lady and the Peacock, by Peter Pepham, and the experience of South Korea. Just as the muscle of the military kept away the capable and saw the eclipse of progress in Myamar, South Korea turned around because it rejected the kind of politics we now have in Nigeria.

As an INEC Commissioner once shared with me, the big lesson from a visit to their South Korean counterparts in Seoul, was the story on how shift in electoral process helped accelerate progress in the country. As he told it, South Korean politics was, at first money politics where the deepest pockets and ability to rig determined outcomes, like in Nigeria. All kinds of characters emerged political leaders, doing damage to prospects for progress until the people got fed up and took to street protests.

The result was reform in which debates and the battle over ideas became central to the electoral process in South Korea. The effect, the charlatans took flight, is seen in how Korean politicians have absorbed a strong element of National character of accountability and personal price for failure and high sense of shame for failed promise. You can witness this in the President, who committed suicide because he was accused of corruption, the vice- Principal who arranged the boat trip that went wrong for several hundred students, killing himself, oust as the Prime Minister on whose watch the accident took place resigned. Compare with how the Jonathan Administration responded to crushing of so many young people who applied for jobs in the poorly thought – out and ill- fatted recruitment exercise of the Nigerian immigration service. In our case the victims were accused of being stupid. Had the South Korean government been run by Nigerian politicians of today they may have accused the students who died on the ferry trip of being too foolish to swim to the shore.

The reason Nigerian politics has become an all- comers place and significantly a domain of the corrupt and criminal is essentially because of people are not accountable. The lack of accountability has also resulted in traditions of impunity that have deadened the conscience of politicians.When you hear stories of what people have done to others because they have political power and you wonder what happened to their humanity but more importantly you wonder how they can make statements inviting outcomes which their actions negate.

I have a plethora of personal experience here, from politicians trying to steal whole commercial banks, to state Governors killing investments by citizens because approval came from a predecessor in their office who they do not like.

I am numb where, for example, I hear a state government talk about foreign investment when they have frustrated an investment I am part of with foreigners that was legal, and binding, and they have not been able to show where anything in law or morality is faulty with the project. But they hide under the banner of reviewing things and the fact that people are reluctant to go to court because the court processes hardly ensure justice. One former attorney- General of Lagos state in reflecting on that matter said to me, if they can do that to you think of what others have suffered. Yet we announce with glee that the welcome mat is laid out for foreign investors.

The ugly politics of our land so generally debilitating of progress makes you wonder if politics is not the death of us. Civil society will have to return to challenge politicians the way it chased the military away. This time though it will not be to chase out democracy, because bad as it is democracy remains better than the alternative, but Civil society has to be ready for a long drawn campaign to change the electoral process, as was done in South Korea case and to chase out many who continue to camouflage as the grassroots politicians of today.
In the end though the key is education. Only education can help people appreciate that the short sighted penny- wise pound foolish focus on sub optimizing for the moments gratification while losing out on the more valuable benefit of the long term which advances the self-interest within an upgraded common good. The short sightedness is self-defeating.

If civil society does not act quickly enough we may find that the gains of the struggles to rid us of military rule may be lost to anarchy from ineffective governance. Thankfully the terrible Chibok abduction by Boko Haram and the Bring Back our Girls campaign may be reviving a civil society in slumber.

Pat Utomi, Political Economist and Professor of Entrepreneurship is founder of the Centre for Values in Leadership.


That every part of Nigeria can blossom and achieve a full employment economy is a vision that has been clear to me for a long time. The path to it has been, for me, the idea of zones of development which first took concrete form in my efforts 17 years ago to fashion a development unit out of the parts now generally in the South East and South- South Geopolitical zones of Nigeria. When recently I was invited to give a keynote address at a summit of South South- South East professionals I could not but recall my journey to a template for developing that economic area.

But I owed the development of my ideas on parts of the big picture to nuggets of wisdom in the work of other people. Principal in this area has been the idea of breaking Nigeria into zones of development for purposes of development planning, and the concept of economic development areas for the purpose of competitive exploitation of factor endowments of local economic units in global value chains.

I first encountered the concept of zones of development in Nigeria in the writing of a University of Lagos Economics teacher Anusionwu more than 20 years ago, before he left to work for the African Development Bank. The idea resonated with me immediately because it seemed a good way to get people to see the endowment of the nation and realize that every part of Nigeria was endowed enough to develop rapidly at the regional or sub national level.

The local development areas and value chain support concepts came to me from the Monitor Company who were leaders in competitiveness execution and had developed the concepts of growth drivers mapping of local economic units. This company that came out of the work of Harvard School Professors years ago had tried to enter Nigeria not long ago but has since gone through metamorphosis.
In 1996 after attending the Aspen Institute, France, Europe, - Africa summit, which had theme: Africa must produce or die, I began to look for structures that would support rapid production platforms for development.

Why, I asked, did we see the demise of the competition between the regions, in the 1950s and 60s,a phenomenon Howard Wolpe and Robert Melson at Michigan state described as Competitive Communalism ethnic nationality groupings competing to bring the most progress to its peoples. Three good examples of this competition come from the dawn of television broadcasting, the race for education, and the quest for industrialization.

With the west leading off in launching the first television station in Africa with the bragging pay ff: WNTV- first in Africa, Eastern Nigeria quickly followed with its own audacious call tune: ENBS.TV second to none. Free education in the west set the Eastern region racing in same direction but with wore limited cash. The answer would be a great formula that brought the state, the community and missionaries into a synergy partnership known as Ibuanyidanda. This enabled the East leapfrog a lag relative to the West. In the same way, on industrialization, the East reacted to the Ikeja Industrial estate with Aba and Port Harcourt and the Sarduana with the Kakuri, Kaduna, Textile hub, and Bompai in Kano.

This reinforced for me the idea of bottom up development in a Federal state in which the development thrust is significantly domiciled nearest to the people at the sub national government level.
I shared my thoughts on how to apply planning for rapid growth at the sub national level at a meeting of an Igbo Think Tank group, Aka Ikenga. I argued that just as the Province of Penang led the way in Malaysia’s ascendency, a region like the South East and South South could become the Rhine Valley of Africa. As I was Chairman of the Economic and finance committee of the group I was mandated to produce a blue print for the region. The product was called the Niger Basin Project. It constructed linkages between production hubs linked by rail and 12 lane turnpikes highways with connector grids. Hydrocarbon hubs in Port Harcourt, driven by crude oil, and around Warri, driven by Gas, were modeled. The western side, using Gas to power initiatives would supply most of the power, supplemented by clean burning coal from the extensive coal belt running through Enugu but Gas would drive both fertilizer production and Heavy industries’ parks dependent on cheap gas which would be made extremely cheap to trade off on taxes from power dependent industries to be located there; Nnewi would be an Industrial Centre for consumer goods and automobile parts just as Aba would be a hub for light manufacturing and fashion goods. Agriculture cities would be located in the North of Edo state, Ebonyi and CrossRiver.
With new bridges across the Niger making Asaba- Onitsha twin cities like Minneapolis-St Paul or Kansas City, Missouri and Kansas. It would be easy for Onitsha to grow in status as the retail hub for west and central Africa, expected at the time to be serviced by the Airport planned for Oba, a role now played by Asaba.
The Agriculture hubs of Edo, and Ebonyi and the palm oil and rubber belts running across the region and feeding industrial parks in Edo and Ebonyi with standard gauge rail links between the parks and supply routes were to provide form for infrastructure development and some areas in which global leadership would be sort by investing in human capital and competitiveness drivers.
I took this plan to the 1998 World Igbo Congress in London. That year, unfortunately was the year General Abdusalam Abubakar flagged off return to civil rule. Politician of all hues from the South East descended on the summit and aborted the core issue of development.

Ironically, many years after, the Governors of the South South decided to collaborate on regional economic development. In their wisdom they asked that I serve as chairman of the South South Economic Summit. It was a chance to revive the Niger Basin project. Once again, the triumph of politics has slowed down reaching the possibilities.
I continue to be persuaded that a regional development strategy based on value chains and competitiveness derived from becoming globally dominant around some factor endowment; supported by reforms on issues of values and national character will be what propels Nigeria into a global power house status.

Pat Utomi, Political Economist and Professor of Entrepreneurship is founder of the Centre for Values in Leadership.


The Centre for Values in Leadership has called for all people who value the dignity of the human person to spare a moment on Africa Day Sunday May 25th, to pray, make a commitment, and take an action that will lead to return of the girls abducted and Chibok and the restoration of Nigeria and its neighbors to the path of peace and progress.
CVL Founder Prof. Pat Utomi in the announcement said the Sunday programme #Bring Back Our Girls will begin at the CVL Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos, with a collaboration with the Art of Living Foundation at 9:30am an hour long internet technology enabled Africawide meditation led by Art of Living Founder Sri Sri Ravi Shanker that will have about 22,000 participants in Ghana, South Africa, Kenya, Cameroon, Morocco and many more African countries joining. This is part of the I meditate Africa Program. The meditation will be followed by a session of prayers and then the lighting of candles around the Freedom tree on which a ribbon is hung every day the Chibok girls remain in captivity.
The CVL team called on all not only to pray on Sunday for freedom of the Chibok girls and for peace but also to try and do something that will encourage peace on the return of the girls.
The CVL a social enterprise pursuing the goal of a global centre of excellence in leadership development is presently mounting a campaign to get Nigerians to walk their talk, reject corruption; advance the dignity of the human person, the work ethic, and the spirit of enterprise.


Will Nigeria rise up again? Can the country of promise reclaim the Dream of its founding fathers? And will the Nigerian Diaspora be able to play a pivotal role in the country’s renaissance or are nationals abroad just a group of internet warriors shooting with loaded guns on tweeter and facebook yet unable to make any real sacrifice or contribution to redeeming Nigeria? These and many other questions have come my way these last few weeks as I have met with several Nigerian groups in the United States and in Europe.

The place and role of the Dispora in the rise of many countries, from Japan to India and China is fairly well documented. But much has been said about possibilities of the Diaspora as catalysts for progress in Africa even though documentation of contribution seems largely limited to financial remittances.

In speaking at several gala dinners organized in the United States by United Kingdom based Nigerians on the platform of Nigeria Dialogue, with the ambition of mobilizing Nigerians living abroad into Nigeria’s literal 37th state that could be an exemplar to the others, and help to move Nigeria to a place of pride in the world, I had to pointedly reflect on the string of effort to make Nigerians abroad a positive influence for development and progress.

That effort to organize Nigerians abroad has not always been salutary. Fractured and sometimes divisive as the engagements have been, the potential benefits, if we manage to get it right, clearly justify the effort. A starting point in gauging that value is the experience of other counties.
Much credit for Japan’s ascendance, following the Meiji Restoration, has been given to Japanese returning from Germany and elsewhere in the West but it is in the resurgence of India and China that the full benefits of a Diaspora community provides models we could learn a few things from.

When in 1991 India’s current accounts situation was terrifying and the foreign reserves were barely able to sustain a month’s trading, change became imperative and the appointment of Manahan Singh as Finance Ministe,r triggered reforms. These reforms excited the Indian Dispora into such a level of engagement that it was soon ranked second only to the United States, in the listing of sources of the surge of new investments into India. The category of non – resident Indians (NRI) would not only account for new investment funds but also for the engagement of ideas such as outsourcing and globalization in their countries of domicile which would eventually serve India’s purpose. Economists like Jagdish Bhagwati at Columbia wrote a book aptly titled In Defense of Globalization just as several leading business School Deans, such as Deepak Jain at the Kellogg School who served on the board of Relliance Industries helped bring their knowledge and network to enhancing the disposition of global players towards high growth Indian companies.

Attempts, led by government, to engineer similar outcomes for Nigeria have been far less successful. The creation of NIDO, as the umbrella for Nigerians in the Diaspora (Organization), produced, in many cases, unhealthy scrambling for position. Position – coveting, a Nigerian malaise associated with the view that positions are fungible assets that could be converted to personal gain, rocked NIDO in a way that suggested the host cultures had not robbed off on those Nigerians so inclined.

The Federal government even tried to institutionalize Diaspora affairs, giving Joe Keshi, who as Consul – General in Atlanta, had provided guidance for organizing the Diaspora movement, charge over the subject at the Presidency.

Then there also emerged conduct that suggested competition and disputations between the Diaspora and home based bureaucrats and citizens. Some professionals at home, instead of looking forward to what they could learn from colleagues abroad saw them as threats to their livelihood. The reason for the ineffectiveness in harnessing the Diaspora dividend has, in my opinion, been the wrong expectations and government involvement. This is partly why I find the Nigeria Dialogue, a movement by a group of young Nigerian Nigerian professionals to weave the body of foreign resident Nigerians into a tapestry of passionately committed change agents that can be seen as Nigeria’s 37th state, as very laudable.

When they recently put up a road show of Gala Dinners across the United States and invited me to speak at some of them I found the initiative striking. While many battling in NIDO for supremacy were asking what government could do for them to enable them give something back to Nigeria, the Nigeria Dialogue team working with the Future Awards people, and others, were putting out their resources for Dinners in 5star Hotels, before Town Hall meetings which tend to attract more of the Twitter, Facebook internet warrior types, who ask why the problems of Nigeria have not been fixed, rather than what they can do to fix it. I spoke at the Galas at the Ritz Carlton in Atlanta, and the Houstonian in Houston. It seemed like a good strategy to meet those who like to Dress up and go out at such Gala, then afterward get ready for the people who want to tweet their frustrations, both rightfully and in unhelpful exasperation, and hope eventually to find enough common ground to have collective aspirations on Nigeria that can alter the cause of history. Of course all find social media valuable and many. The variety of dispositions not withstanding there is good news. As chairman of the board I was favored to cut the tape to open the Victoria. I stand offices of a global software Business enterprise created by Diaspora Nigerian which has been doing business with Fortune 500 companies in the US.

As I told those at the Dinners the net effect could be to get Nigeria to getting it right enough that its neighbors seek a similar path resulting in a region of affluence that would raise the dignity of the person of negroid descent anywhere in the world. So it was of direct personal benefit to them whether they planned to ever live in Nigeria again or not. I am indeed persuaded that a re-oriented Nigeria that leads a pack of flying Geese from Africa towards prosperity and away from media report of the type of the abduction of the Chibok girls and Ebola and Famine and Civil War will be one whose triumph will be appropriated by many far from the continent of Africa.

This is the way of hope but it will be manifest at least cost if all the stakeholders understand how much of a win-win scenario it can be. Not seeing the possibilities clearly, sometimes results in outcomes of competition from people who should be collaborating. A good example can be seen in a tweet I put out on this recently. In indicating that I believed the children of the generation that left town will renew the land I touched off comments among which were those who thought those who left town have no interest in where they left from, and those who thought their children would never come back, as well as those who said they would take meat from the mouths of those who stayed behind. But the majority saw the Diaspora as asset.

The truth as I see it is that working well together all should be able to gain more than any can lose in the collaboration of stakeholders from home and abroad.

Pat Utomi, Political Economist and Professor of Entrepreneurship is founder of the Centre for Values in Leadership.


He is the grand pioneer and quintessential Professional. In many ways professionalism is about doing work with discipline, based on tried and test principles, and an ethic laced with integrity. Many consider Mr. Akintola Williams, pioneer accountant and pathfinder in the indigenous professional practice sector, a prime example of the breed.
The firm that would bear his name, Akintola Williams and company, now part of Deloitte, in response to globalization which has affected professional practice, from Law, to Accountancy, and even Public Relations and Advertising, would also pioneer internationalization, especially with services offered to the African Development Bank.
In many ways Mr. Akintola Williams who is remembered as much for his professional work as he is for Corporate Social Responsibility and support of worthy causes is the ultimate role model. The icon as benchmark comes true with the number of outstanding people who use as measure of their self – worth how well they stack up behind Mr. Williams.
Even I use as the ultimate measure of providence being generous to me, the quiet whisper from Professor Yemi Osibajo on the day the Convention on Business Integrity (CBI) celebrated a select few enterprise leaders for the first time in more than two decades of keeping watch on how enterprises operate with integrity. Among those honoured were two post humously and Mr. Akintola Williams, Dr. Michael Omolayole, Dr. Christopher Kolade and for some strange reason myself. Speaking beneath his breathe Prof. Osibajo said to me’’ Pato You keep good company. Only trouble is everybody else on the list is at least a quarter of century older than you’ I had to confess that my bones sometimes feel their age, so when on his 95th birthday Mr. Williams said to me “How would you like to be 95 and walk with the aid of a walking stick’ I had to resist joking that the mental age feel of my bones would be 120 years at that time.
We all seem to measure by how we position relative to this icon of our times. But what has his sense of professionalism thought us about organizational integrity and corporate performance. Our panel at today’s Leader without Title tribute colloquium which is made up of Dotun Suleiman Emmanuel, Ijewere, Marvi Isibor Lateef Owoyemi and Uche Erobu will explore the challenges to professionalism in Nigeria.

These discussion underline the three fold purpose of the LWT Tribute Colloquium series at the Centre for Values in leadership. The first is to honor and learn, the second is Think, Talk and lay the foundations for a Think Tank and the third is capture knowledge, inspire and help build institutions that shape the future, as worthy legacy.
On the first score we carefully choose Nigerians who made a difference to a world in their sector of human endeavour without care for title, more or less living Robin Sharma’s ideal of the Leader who had no title. They have to be 70 years or more in age and are clearly worth celebrating for the value they have created. In a century where we have missed the plot with our National honors list, it is hoped that we restore high value to those whose contributions are beyond dispute and whose values justify honor as values shape human progress by bringing them to this exclusive club of CVL LWT honorees.
Lessons from the life of service of those honored we hoped will be gleaned from the roast and enable the up and coming identify enduring values to shape their own ascent.
The second goal of the series takes notice of the fact that one of the big challenges of Nigeria is the almost total absence of Think Tanks in our Policy Space. About a decade ago DFID commissioned me to research and produce a paper on the subject of Think Tanks and development in Nigeria. Capacity of Think Tanks, their lack, that is, has not only become a scandal for shaping policy in our development experience, it can be seen as partly responsible for the many challenges all around us.
So we look at the career of those we honor and extract a theme deserving exploring and raise an appropriate panel to engage on that theme. The discussion becomes feedstock for further research and advocacy to shape policy, and the policy process, especially around making markets work. In making a television series out of the LWT tribute colloquia it is our hope that the citizenry can become more enlightened and advocacy for policy with optimum outcomes, will be advanced.
Our hope is that from these will emerge a CVL Institution for Applied Economics of such global standing as The Brookings Institution and the Hoover institution in the United States.
On the third point we are confident to that these series can contribute to institution building which is key to sustainable development.

Pat Utomi
Founder/CEO CVL


In a society that somehow regressed into the idolatry of money-worship it seems awkward to engage on the philosophical matter of having, versus, being, as the choice challenge for living a wholesome and fulfilling life. Yet ever so often, either because of Nigerians love for the bombastic or because people seriously question why progress is far from what is possible, even though so many are aggressively pursuing the good life, you run into treatises or discussions of the big issue of having versus being. Just East of the Niger, recently, I ran into a young Priest of the Catholic Archdiocese of Onitsha who had just published a book which had a chapter on the subject.

His take on the subject was definition driven and focused on the ontological dimensions of the concepts. Having asked a plethora of questions about what defines the human person; wealth, title, knowledge etc so, to be, which is to have life and flourish in Christian scripture, that is elevated in the promise of John 10:10; that they may have life and have it more abundantly, to the full; is enriched by fulfillment and how their time is being valued during and after a time of being. On the other hand, to have, is to possess, that which is material. My Mercedes is bigger than yours captures the spirit of the season of having. So who comes out with a fuller life experience; the one who has that which money can buy, or the one, who is affirmed by that which flows within and is measured by relationships, values and manifest humanity.

My experience is that emphasis on having, makes relative, human worth. People are as valuable as what you can get from them. So when their business success declines or they fall from positions of authority, they go quickly from people who can do no wrong, to lepers and outcasts. Ask former public office holders in Nigeria how lonesome it becomes the day after. For those whose value derives from within their relevance traverses position, size of bank account and which friend is in power.

As a business teacher I often ask students which rich men from 30 years ago they remember.
Not many remember. But most remember the man who conducted himself with dignity and touched lives. People remember Dr. Michael Okpara, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello but do not remember the man who was governor eight years ago and had a big bank account.

The trouble with the comparison is that many stage the subject options as counterpoints, you like to have or you want to be. In reality, having can strengthen being. Indeed he who is focused on being invariably has enough. The businessmen who succeed the most are not always those who most desire to make money but those who want to change the world for good, with a product or service of value. They end up earning enough from the product or service they created to advance good, that they end up having.

The real trouble in what has happened to Nigeria is that having, so defines everything, that to have, either power or money, is to be able to defy that which ensures social order. So impunity reigns, creating the basis for disruption of the social order and lose – lose situation for society. This is what happened in resource rich countries that got embroiled in civil conflicts. Sierra Leone, Congo DRC, and Liberia are but few examples.

‘’It is our choices that show what we truly are, far from our abilities’’ JK Rowling writes. It comes true in the way resource. Poor developing countries tend to outperform resource rich ones. It is this that has created the new mercantilism in which certain business men are hands in gloves with politicians, purchasing positions of influence that enables them continue to extract from the commonwealth for their personal benefit, way beyond the value they are creating, institutionalizing corruption which is creating havoc in the land.

The narrowness of the tradition of the tradition of having over being has only helped weaken our institutions but entrenched an anti-intellectual culture in public life in Nigeria which makes a caricature of thinking people. All of history suggests that such a society will make haste very slowly and progress is not sustainable.

It is worthy of note that many great leaders were not of the material means stuff. Nelson Mandela died with a net worth less than manly Deputy Managers in Nigerian banks. For the Mahatma Ghandi’s Michael Okparas and Tafawa Balewa’s it was not even much less material. Their force in history derived from the power of their thoughts and personal example. “Corgi to ergo sum- I think therefore I am” To think is to be and a society that rejects thinking cannot be. That society will go in the way of those studied by Jaret Diamond in the book Collapse, on how societies have failed through history.
One of the reasons leadership is scarce today is the obsession with having. Leadership is other – centered behavior, note self centered behavior. On the other hand, having is often significantly about self.

On a personal note, my own choices have been influence by valuable counsel from my late father. Beware, he had warned, of the snare of the lust of power, vanity and money, they may lift up for a moment but crush the man ultimately. I count my lucky myself lucky for the grace to count that counsel of value. I have had moments to wonder whether the choices I have made have been the best, but I have been thankful for trying to follow the path of that counsel, admittedly at some cost of criticism from some who think it short sighted in the face of reality.

Was not sure how my vote for being, over having, has played out, until recent opportunity for reflection. I thought of how I have engaged one of the most coveted possessions of these times, titles. No where is this more evident than Igbo community where any remotely successful man has a praise name and then a chieftaincy title. For a good 30 years I have been asked kedu afa otutu gi – What is your praise name. My response, Pat. More than 25 years ago Dr. Jerry Ugokwe, erstwhile Ambassador to Austria decided he had a praise name. Nwa Chinemelu- the one that God takes care of for good. It was of similar meaning to my name given at birth, Okedinachi – man’s destiny, his portion is in grace given to him by God. Many years later Oby Ezekwesili decided that my seeming ability to be in several places at the same time decided the more fitting title was Ikuku amana onya - The breeze that cannot be entrapped. Still I carry on with no praise name. As for Chieftaincy titles I have managed not to take or get one in years of receiving offers. Even titles, earned by study manage not to matter. I have been at home with Mr, Dr and Prof, and never sign on a title except when the document originates from one unfamiliar with the fact I simply sign Pat Utomi.

Close as I have been to Bishops for years earning the privilege of being the first lay man to chair a committee of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria, when, nearly 20years ago I was asked by the conference to lead the restructuring of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria when nearly 20 years ago I was asked by the conference to lead the restructuring of the Catholic Secretarial of Nigeria. Yet I have no church title, being either Knight, nor ‘Day’, and never thinking of it.

I have spoken on a number of occasions about the impact of war on the choices we make especially on how the effect of the Nigerian civil war, where survival was hinged on resources the most fungible of which was cash, led to a preference of having, over the dignity of being, – The whose son are you? question. This rise of having over being would diminish the capacity of the collective to act in advance of the common good, the hallmark of Igbo society. It came to ensnare the progress of a people. Being, allows leaders to emerge; having made Igbos a commodity to be hawked by these who grab for power, and proclaim themselves leaders of the people. Compared to the ZC Obi’s of the Ibo state Union and political icons like the Michael Okparas, one can see the difference in the state of flourishing of Igbos, and in the lost dignity of these Chieftains being perceived as a beggarly set of court jesters around whoever seem to have momentary power, or money, and in the vanity of the announcing of their presence. I see them and I see the wisdom of my fathers counsel, which is interesting much like the counsel wisdom literature in the Bible from Proverbs to Ecclesiast. Scripture proposes the ways of being and warns against the snares of obsession with having.

The lessons for me is that the basic disposition not to wish to have, goes back to domesticating advice from a father. Even the greater lesson is how people think I have a huge bank account when the next bill draws anxiety. For me it is prove that how rich you are is in the mind.

It is this experience that persuades me a generation can be thought that the greater path lies in having over being. I am glad that this is part of the mandate of the Centre for Values in Leadership which we set up to help the generation next win the future and reclaim the promise of Nigeria.

Pat Utomi, Political Economist and Professor of Entrepreneurship is founder of Centre for Values in Leadership.


Famed for peace keeping, with its peace keeping missions around the world, the Nigerian Army usually gets less credit than it deserves, especially because politics sapped its morrow. Lately, however, the military in Nigeria has been burdened with the first serious challenge to the territorial integrity of the country since the civil war of 45 years ago and has been faced with critical reviews. Is there trouble with and in the Nigerian military, or are those asking critical questions about performance being unfair to this institution that is rooted in the West African Volunteer Force. That service was erected by the British Colonial regime to advance the interest of the imperial authorities in a region in which colonial domination would indeed come to be limited by the exposure of Nigerian soldiers like my grandfather, who fought with the British in Burma and found the myth of racial superiority that was rationale for colonizing others, untenable?
One of man’s most basic of desires is the protection of his life. In pursuit of this ultimate good modern man has built institutions civil, such as the police, and those that apply ultimate force to overcome adversaries and ensure peace within its borders; the armed forces.
The Nigerian military was erected to play that role. It started out under the shadow of perceptions created by nationalists confronting the colonial authorities. Many of those stereotypes continued long past their time of relevance and truth.
One such myth is that it was a place for the rejects. As the primitive street gist goes, captured even in parade songs: he who has a soldier does not have a child; the army is for drop outs etc. We know for a fact that some of the best trained professionals in Nigeria today came from the military and are they drawn from so many fields and professions.

It was not surprising that the tradition laid down by the British in training, building of an espiril de corps, and professionalism was very much a feature of the Nigerian Armed forces. This is probably why they stood as surety for the civil order, sometimes intervening through coup d’états. It would fail to produce a Kemal Atatuk and do for Nigeria what Turkey’s military continues to do to date in that unique Guardian State arrangement.

Active civil society, in university students demonstrating at the time of independence against the Anglo – Nigerian Defense Pact severed early the unbiblical cord to the British establishment but that did not get in the way of the young army acquitting itself creditably in peace keeping in the Congo, barely after Independence.
A coup d’état by some of its rank in 1966 would drag it into politics and a major test of its corporate essence. In the end it would become fractured but manage to pull itself together to wage a civil war that lasted from 1967 to 1970.
I was in the conflict zone and as a young person in secondary school interacted quite a bit with soldiers at war and indeed survived being a statistic of the unsavory part of that campaign as I nearly got executed by soldiers near Asaba. But in the main it was a professional military even it was hurriedly expanded to prosecute the war.
The true heroism of the Nigerian military is in how it sacrificed enormously to save West Africa from becoming Somalia. Sadly, the Nigerian Armed forces do not get enough credit for the extra ordinary effort they made to save Liberia and Sierra Leone when the world looked away.
Hindered from their optimum from time to time by the politics the Army was enmeshed in at home, which meant watching out for coup plotters even among officers in the field with ECOMOG, and shipping out troops separate from their weapons until they arrive Freetown, the Army managed to save the Liberians and Sierra Leoneans from themselves. So why is such an army struggling in the North East and ‘maneuvering’ into neighboring countries, as well as being accused of unprofessional conduct that some suggest could be War crimes?
I am not sure I know the answers but I think it is time to look beyond the Obasanjo re professionalizing of the Army by sacking those who had held political positions, and moving a few things around, to asking hard questions about why morale is the way it is and how civilian leadership of the military can elevate rather than reduce the prestige of the institution. We also have to reflect on how we as a civilian population show gratitude for the service of our men in uniform. Let me begin with the last point.
I never cease to marvel at how civic culture has prepped the average American to a display of gratitude to men in military uniform. Flight attendants are warm in saying “thank you for your service” to people in uniform. Just as passerby acknowledge them and bus divers greet them will privileges. I wrote once about an experience flying one early morning from Washington DC to Atlanta and being surprised by this US soldier walking up to me and asking if I was who he thought I was. It turned out he was Nigerian - born US officer, a medical doctor returning from a tour of duty in Iraq.

He said he felt proud to meet me and wanted me take a photo with his family who would be waiting in Atlanta. It turned out I would be more proud to be walking up to the terminal in his company as people showered him with greetings and flowers. Hardly anyone passed us without saying “thank you for your service”.

We need to get our entire population solidly behind our soldiers when they get in harms way on our account. It motivates them and drives up performance. Currently they are made to seem like outcasts prosecuting a private war in the Northeast.

This challenge of united public support for the military, similar to the American experience at some point during the war in Vietnam is partly a failure of political leadership which has not forged common purpose for the people and a clear goal that is just in engaging the problems of the North East. Here the failure of the Northern elite to articulate how they owe it to their immediate constituency to work towards the progress of all, create a more inclusive and prosperous society and help fish out elements that obstruct progress and the common cause before they pollute culture, counts. It is also about how politicians at the center not only understand inclusion, but also how well they insulate the military from the divisive politics they have made a virtue of, and how they promote the military as in integrative national institution.

Then there are the internal issues in the military that affect professionalism. Now that the stereotypes of the drop-out in uniform are ancient history, with the Army as a highly educated leadership team, there remain a number of internal issues the military must master. It has to stop wasting huge investments in human capital with its early retirements. It needs to have stronger post – military life programs that reduce anxiety about quality of life after service which has added to corruption of officers in strategic positions in the military and it needs be more merit based as its old traditions before policization. In the past even officers like the present sultan of Sokoto proved themselves and rose on merit, with little advantage as a result of station of life conferred by birth. Many see too much outside influence in appointments to senior positions of command and promotions today. The army must then also expand ethics and patriotism training as part of a leadership and teambuilding culture that should dominate personnel development. Politics has allowed some officers that should not have made it past captain to become Generals and others who are natural generals to be retired as lieutenant Colonels. The bright young captain that fill the ranks today must be motivated and inspired differently. They should not be deployed on election policing duties where their values are abused and compromised as has been recent practice and, very importantly the prestige they earn should be as valuable as that of the top politician, successful business executive or senior bureaucrat so they can stay professional in contentment, knowing they can be counted among society’s ereme de la crème.
If the Army were to develop in that manner, they would have no trouble, when properly funded and given clear goals to flush out threats to our national security like the Boko Haram menace. Getting the required change to make such happen is the duty of all.


Last Tuesday I went to visit the 9/11 Memorial, exactly 13 years to my last visit to the World Trade Centre in New York. That visit was 48 hours before the first aircraft was flown into the first tower to be hit in that terrifying terror event. And I went back in the company of a Nigerian who was at work when the first attack was executed but defied orders to calm down and ran so fast providence prevented his name from being the 3rd Nigerian to be listed among the fatalities of 9/11. The chilling effect of the visit, the first to that former place of work in the 13 years since the incident, by my host affected our reflecting memories of a horrific Nigerian civil war I experienced and on terror, once alien to Nigeria, but now common place, ceding parts of Nigerian territory to insurgents.
What struck me the most from returning to ground zero was not so much how America immortalized those fallen heroes but how the difference between great countries and the rest is how they draw strength from experiences, good and bad. I thought of fading memories of a horrific civil war I experienced and how the situation in the Northeast of Nigeria today is because an anti intellectual elite prevented itself and generations unborn from learning not to repeat such errors.
My recollections of 9/11 not only come alive because of how close I was to the experience and several other acts of terror but also because of a continuing inquisitiveness about human progress and how responses to events of history sustain the pursuit of progress and the common good.
When I visited in 2001 I did not know Victor Madubuko who worked for the New York Port Authority owners of the Building and was in there when the attack began. I visited with an American investment Banker friend who dropped me off at JFK to catch a flight to Europe heading home. I connected into Lagos the morning of 9/11 only to land in Lagos to the excitement of news that while we were airborne the attack on the United States had unfolded. Local media sought my reaction right on landing and I told them literally went from the twin towers to the airport.
Chatting with Victor who endured much post event trauma, as we walked through the exhibits, films and documentation in somber context we could not but notice the healing it brought him and how same cannot be said for the Biafra experience. I could feel same from visiting Pearl Harbor in Honolulu and such Presidential Libraries as the Truman Library in Independence Missouri which led Abike Dabiri and I to pledge to work towards a Smithsonian type Institution.
Americans draw lessons, strength and shared purpose from the capturing of this. I could feel it as US President Barak Obama prepared to unfold his strategy on ISIS on the eve of 9/11.

What is it about America that made 9/11 the great unifier and Chibok girls abduction the great polarizer in Nigeria? To my mind it is three things: leadership failure, weak civil society and anti- thinking political culture which makes it difficult for the elite to define the mission of their generation.
When the Washington Post publishes editorial commentary condemning the parody of #bringbackour girls by those who are campaigning for Goodluck Jonathan to be brought back in 2015 they capture the heart of these three points.
You have to be intellectually lazy beyond redemption not to see that the advert mocks the kidnap of the girls not found after four months and reinforces the view that Abuja never gave a damn about the girls. In truth few of the political opponents preying on the matter do either. An intellectually lazy and anti intellectual political class has managed to laugh off values that glue society together such that when foreigners dismiss governing in Nigeria and the Nigerian state as essentially a criminal enterprise for advancing self interest they may not be as uncharitable as they often are viewed by most of us. Until the dignity of the human person is central to how and why society acts that society will continue to be diminished.
Walking through the 9/11 Memorial it is easy to see how that is central to the American way and clearly why this has been perhaps the greatest nation in history. Compare to our civil war that took a few million lives. No serious memorial exists so the next generation is sentenced to repeat the error that led to it while the millions of American kids who come to these heritage sites are inspired to say never again.
Then come the role and place of civil society. The fight to forbid a commercial real estate on top of the foundation of the twin towers in one of the most expensive points of real estate on the planet is because strong civil society agitated that it was the burial place of many Americans and should be treated as hallowed ground. But where is civil s0ciety in Nigeria? Can the same civil society which cannot impose the simple life on public life and watch public officers abuse the commonwealth even as poverty ravages the land make politicians work with private enterprise and civil society to erect memorials of the type that help America heal and renew strength.
The absence of such reminders seems so obvious when one looks at the situation in the North East about which most are still in denial. Thankfully Washington stopped humoring Abuja lately when a visiting senior official asked that we come clean on the truth of the situation.
But the state of anomie in the North East gave notice. When radicalization was met with force under the military and the Obasanjo second coming some ended up in camps in Algeria. We failed to do the needful with ferrying back and detoxification even when state security agencies advised a certain course of action.
I added in unsolicited advice to security apparatchik the warnings from Robert Kaplan’s Coming Anarchy and West Africa’s gloomy future. Policy response was tepid because people in power in Nigeria seldom think long term nor are they accountable, as agents, to their principals, the people. Very importantly people in power are not put under enough pressure to do right by a well informed citizenry through civil society. Finally comes the big elephant in the room, leadership.
Leader set the tone of culture and a vision of tomorrow and culture shapes human progress. True leadership bind people and the shared values propel a single minded focus on overcoming obstacles to progress. For some reason Nigeria’s political elite seem to thrive in being divisive in pursuit of narrow personal power and material goals. This seems to be getting worse by the day as I cannot remember a time in history in which people in authority have had more divisive tendencies than today. The progressive loss of the North East is just one manifestation of a loss of attention by an elite focused on personal power and wealth rather than building strong institutions that make for nation building.
Why is Nigeria so challenged with finding in authority positions people who can give up self so the nation may make progress and draw from experiences like the civil war and the injustices that led to it to prevent Niger Delta Militancy and North East insurgency.

To conclude on the lessons from the American experience and how the promise of Nigeria can be reclaimed from what we could learn from the American journey, let us return to the 9/11 memorial. Emblazoned on the huge wall strip at the Memorial are the words of Virgil: No day shall erase you from the memory of time.
Those words essentially assure that those who are martyred for America’s sake will live forever. They are assured of immortality. But those who died standing up against injustice in the pogroms of 1966 and in Biafra have been forgotten and their graves deicrated. They seem to have died in vain. The 9/11 memorial inspires differently as it points to immortality

When soldiers know that this is what will be their lot rather than big boys at HQ sharing interest payments on unpaid allowances it is easier on morale and may help manuovres by troops from landing them in a neighboring country.
The promise of Nigeria has to a large extent been sabotaged by all of us who do not see the values of our shared humanity and when matters are beyond self serving interests for power. It is time for truth from all parties on the torbulence in the North East. Abuja must stop pretending it cares and really care for the sake of the misery brought on the millions who live there.
On the other hand the elite of the North East can not wish the problem to Abuja. It is their own local economy that is being incinerated as most of the south rocket into part of the fastest growing economies in the world.
Collectively we need to come to an understanding that all parts of Nigeria complement each other, endowing the country with a duty to pull off a flying Geese phenomenon of rising regional economies that should redeem a race that slipped up badly in the 20th Century. Even negroid people of triumphant America and elsewhere require genuine Nigeria Rising to fully feel their dignity.
Pat Utomi, Political Economist, and Professor of Entrepreneurship, is founder of the Centre for Values in Leadership